Manual « Cherche un Espoir ! » (French Edition)

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The spririt the content should be related to the seasonal mood a seasonal word should be included in the poem and to the "weight of being", as interpreted by the enlightenment of Zen Buddhism. In the present article, I would like to show how the French language use of the haiku has followed these traditional values in style and spirit as well as modyfying them. Evidence will be provided by the quotation of several French haikus, for which the original French text will be followed by an English translation.

As for the form, many French haikus follow the traditional metrics without any adding that could give "a French touch", i. Anick Baulard 1 :. As the French language has little accentuation, several authors have tried however to strenghten the tonic accents and thus the rhythm. The first technique used was to shorten the verses and thus abandoning the metrics in producing three short and very rhythmic verses. An example will be chosen in the work on the sea by the modern writer Alain Kervern 2 :. Other authors, whether they follow the metrics or not, often include discreet rhymes or alliterations.

In the following examples, rhymes have been put in bold characters and alliterations underlined. The two first poems have been written at the beginning of the century by the first authors attempting to make haikus in French. The first is by Paul Eluard 3 , the second by Julien Vocance 4. Speaking for a young girl, Eluard let her say :. He also released a music video for " Candle in the Wind ", a song he had interpreted during the blind auditions in The Voice. He is preparing a first album in French.

He served as one of the domestic jury members for the semifinals of Destination Eurovision along with Christophe Willem and Isabelle Boulay to help France choose its entry for the Eurovision Song Contest in Lisbon. Due to other commitments, he was unable to attend the final and was replaced by his Eurovision successor Alma. On 7 July , Amir married Lital, his longtime companion in Israel.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For the Israeli tennis player, see Amir Hadad. Main articles: The Voice: la plus belle voix season 3 and The Voice: la plus belle voix. Main article: Amir Haddad discography. Retrieved 18 March Retrieved European Broadcasting Union. Retrieved 29 February Retrieved 4 February Retrieved 25 February Retrieved 3 March As for the post-Holocaust massacres of half-a-million Chinese and Communists in Indonesia, the slaughter by the Tutsi army of perhaps , Hutu in Burundi, including all those with secondary education, and the deaths by beating, starving or torture by the Khmer Rouge of a million and a half Cambodians, none quite seemed to meet the standards set down in the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide UNCG.

Rwanda was different. Rwanda was a classic UNCG genocide, fulfilling all the conditions, and it reminded the world that a half century after the world first vowed "Never again," genocide had not disappeared. What Primo Levi had said of the Holocaust was now said about Rwanda: It happened, so it will happen again. For some, it happened soon enough. For them, Srebrenica in seemed "another Rwanda", and indeed, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia eventually decided that the murder of Muslim Bosnian males by Bosnian Serb militias was indeed genocide.

But this has been a controversial issue. Rwanda, however, left no room for ambiguity. Ironically, the seeming absence of genocide since had made most observers refuse to take seriously in advance that an actual genocidal conspiracy was being hatched in Rwanda before Once it was over, it seemed all but inevitable that others could, would, follow. For many, early in the new millennium, Darfur seemed well on its way to becoming "the next Rwanda".

The urgent question then emerged: Had Rwanda taught the world any lessons that might help prevent Darfur from following in its place?

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Assuming of course that there really are any lessons at all that the past can teach the future, it is possible to isolate three from the unmitigated catastrophe of Rwanda in Of these, the first and most obvious is profoundly disheartening to all those who favor intervention in crises where no interests beyond the humanitarian are at stake. The second and third are apparently, or potentially, encouraging. To seek a ray of hope out of a genocide borders on the desperate, but in the curious universe of those who study genocides in order to prevent them, what else is there to hold on to?

The horror of the Rwandan genocide extends beyond its intrinsic bestiality. What's also notable is, first, how swiftly it became evident that this was a perfect storm of a genocide, and, second, how easily it could have been prevented. Before addressing the betrayal of Rwanda by the "international community", genocide prevention activists must not forget that it could have been prevented most successfully if the Hutu conspirators who plotted to "cleanse" Rwanda of its Tutsi citizens had simply called off their plot.

Yet the genocide was not formally named as such by the vast majority of governments and institutions, including the United Nations and Organization of African Unity, until the days of slaughter had virtually come to an end. Moreover, not only was the genocide not prevented, it was not even marginally mitigated. From the first day to the last, not a single reinforcement arrived in Rwanda to bolster the puny UN force of that was trying desperately to save the relatively few Tutsi that it could.

Thus, the first lesson from Rwanda: the harsh unwelcome reminder - as if the world needed another - that the global powers-that-be are capable of almost infinite callousness and indifference to human suffering if geopolitical or political interests were not at stake. Calls for forceful intervention bases strictly on humanitarian grounds, as we have learned the hard way once again in Darfur, are simply irrelevant to those with the means to intervene.

Here I refer essentially to the Security Council, and within that body to the remarkably powerful five Permanent Members P5 who alone hold a veto over all its resolutions. Since UN missions can only be authorized by the Security Council, and since any one of the P5 can veto any resolution, the leverage of the US, Britain, France, Russia and China can hardly be exaggerated.

Those who have begged for a more assertive response in both Rwanda and Darfur understand the immutability of this phenomenon.

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Often, middle powers are looked to as a means to exert pressure on the inner sanctum of the P5. Canada, northern Europe and the Scandinavian countries are all seen, sometimes naively, as being less in the thrall of self-interest and more open to humanitarian projects. In trying to leverage action for Darfur, activists placed considerable hope on these countries. The role of Belgium in shows both the leverage that a middle power can play and the perverse use it can make of that leverage.

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For years prior to the Rwandan genocide, no external power played a more deplorable role in Africa than Belgium - a tiny country responsible for giant crimes against humanity. Its impact on the Congo, Rwanda and Burundi was catastrophic. The turbulent history of the entire Great Lakes region in the 20th century would have been profoundly different if it had not been for Belgian colonial rule.

Ten of Belgium's UN troops had been murdered by Rwandan government soldiers less than a day after the genocide was triggered by the shooting down of the Rwandan president's plane. The Belgian government decided it was politically impossible for its troops to remain in Rwanda. Their withdrawal very substantially undermined UNAMIR's capacity, and its lethal consequences are not merely theoretical.

Souvenirs, Souvenirs [French Version]

It immediately and directly led to the death of some Rwandans being protected by Belgian troops at the Ecole Technique Officielle ETO school compound in the capital, Kigali. At least the Belgian government had the good sense to feel humiliated by the decision to abandon Rwanda at its moment of greatest need, and sought to cover its guilt by convincing the entire world to share its culpability. Largely for their own entirely short-term partisan reasons, with pathological UN-hating Republicans breathing down their necks, the Clintonites were unprepared to have anything whatever to do with sending a new UN mission to a tiny African country which, as is invariably said, almost no American could even find on a map.

Among the P5, France was the only country genuinely concerned about Rwanda for its own perverse reasons of francophone solidarity, and it was stealthily seeking a way to intervene on behalf of the Hutu extremist genocidaire government. Britain, for reasons British journalist-historian Linda Melvern is still trying to unravel, fell in solidly behind the Americans. Russia and China were largely uninterested, a situation that would change significantly in the case of Darfur.

At the end of the genocide's second week, with an estimated , or more Tutsi and almost all prominent moderate Hutu already dead, and the genocide gaining daily momentum, the Security Council voted to reduce the UNAMIR mission to men. Force Commander Romeo Dallaire, furious and sick at heart, disobeyed this explicit instruction and managed to retain men for the duration of the genocide. Even now, it is impossible to recapitulate these events without feeling they cannot possibly be true.

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But as virtually all authorities on the subject agree, and as the Security Council's reaction to Darfur a decade later make entirely plausible, they were only too true, and their lesson was clear. There seemed barely any depths to which the "international community" would not sink if it deemed them necessary to its own national interests, even if that interest was nothing more nor less than, in Belgium's case, covering up a cowardly abandonment of a people at ultimate risk, or for the US, winning an impending election.

Political expediency was all, and human need seemed completely irrelevant. However, two other lessons of the international reaction, distressing as they were at the time, seemed to offer a certain hope for intervention in future crises. Both claimed that they were insufficiently aware of the situation at the time. These claims, on the part of both men, have been repudiated beyond a shadow of a doubt. They knew everything, or at least everything they wanted to know. Nevertheless, their very disingenuousness permitted the inference that the next time "another Rwanda" loomed, if it could attain a sufficiently high public profile, the Security Council would have lost the excuse of ignorance and have little alternative but to intervene.

This apparent truth initially gave heart to the movement to intervene in Darfur. Second, as already noted, almost no one in an official position at the time agreed to characterize Rwanda as a genocide and, led again by the Clinton administration, actually denied that a genocide was in fact in progress. This refusal to affirm the obvious was again tied directly to the Clintonites' electoral fears.

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Government lawyers studying the Genocide Convention appear to have decided that accepting the genocide label would trigger a major obligation on the administration to intervene actively. That such an interpretation was highly debatable is neither here nor there.

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But Clinton's advisors chose not to adopt this reading. Their judgment powerfully affected Clinton's public stance. Television captured a moment of true self-debasement when a US State Department spokesperson, a certain Christine Shelly, tried to explain to reporters that Rwanda was the scene of "acts of genocide" but not of genocide.